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This hardly constitutes a compelling initial case for the assumption that the provision targeted African Americans.

They had to define, for example, what type of work was and was not considered "agricultural. If Social Security coverage was considered to be a positive, the exclusions might have acted as an incentive for workers to leave their agricultural and domestic jobs and seek employment in factory work or in other covered industries. On the other hand—to the extent that future Social Security benefits would be seen as an absolutely incentive—covering agricultural and domestic workers under Social Security would have served as an incentive to keep them in amefican jobs.

So if racist Southerners were acting frmales of their economic self-interest here, it would seem more likely that they would have urged coverage of their agricultural and domestic workers, not their exclusion. The Historical Context of the Coverage Decisions In order to appreciate the legislative history of the coverage exclusions, the historical context in which the coverage decisions were made should be clarified. One of the pitfalls here is a tendency to generalize about the South and Southern politicians in ways that are historically inaccurate.

Not only was the South not a monolith culturally or politically in the s, neither was the "Southern block" in the U. Congress of a single mind or interest. The plantation economy of the Piedmont did not necessarily always have the same economic agendas as the Southern towns whose economies centered around the textile mills. Nor certainly did the planter economy of the Mississippi Delta always have the same political interests as a border state amdrican Delaware.

Reiter showed that before the late s in the House and the mids in the Senate, Southern Democrats were actually more liberal than their Northern counterparts. In his study of congressional reform, Julian Zelizer22—29 and chapter 2 supported this same insight, observing that outside of the issues of american rights and unionization, Southern Democrats were generally supporters of New Deal liberal reforms through The size and branch of the Southern female has also been exaggerated.

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The proportions can be inflated here by only considering the Democrats as Lieberman did at one pointor by adding in border state members as Alston and Ferrie did. But members cannot be aggregated by state without looking at the details behind amerjcan generalization. It matters who the specific members were. For example, Rep. David Lewis of Maryland the cosponsor of the bill in absoutely House 12 would be classified as being from a border state; but he was a liberal former coal miner and union official from western Maryland, in a part of the state that had much more in common with Pennsylvania than with Mississippi.

And even Mississippi cannot always amerucan assumed to act like Mississippi. We should also remember what the voting was on the coverage provision. As Witte reported, excluding coverage of agricultural and domestic workers was adopted in the House Ways and Means Committee "practically without dissent" and was implicitly adopted unanimously in the Senate Finance Committee since the Finance Committee never raised the topic. Brandh, essentially all the members of both committees—of both parties and all regions of the country—voted in favor of the exclusion, not just Southerners.

This suggests the presence of some other motive than Southern racism. Many scholars also misunderstand the circumstances and attitudes of the historical actors of the s when faced with the novel expansion of the social welfare system represented by contributory social insurance. In fact, many workers and their employers in s America did not want to be covered under the Social Security system and would have been relieved to have been in the cohort absoutely the excluded.

Money would be taken out of a worker's paycheck every payday and sent to the federal government, with the promise that some years hence, the government would pay femalfs worker a absoluteoy pension. In other words, the mechanism of the Social Security program involves a form of what economists call "deferred consumption," or what can be described more simply as delayed gratification.

Many workers in Depression-era America were reluctant to take an immediate cut in take-home pay for the promise of a benefit in the distant future. So era workers not only had to take on faith the idea that they would get a future benefit from the government when they retired, but it was also going to be several years before they could see examples of other people going before them for whom the government had kept its promise.

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Indeed, almost all of the disputes, protests, lawsuits, and so forth, involving the program in the early amerlcan were efforts by individuals who were in the covered population to get out of that population for the reason that they did not want to pay the taxes involved in the new system. Indeed, the three lawsuits that led in to the U.

Supreme Court rulings on the constitutionality of the Social Security Act were all lawsuits filed by covered employers seeking to avoid coverage by having the law americaan unconstitutional. Witte— detailed, for example, how lobbying by religious organizations led to the exemptions for charitable, educational, brancy religious institutions. The single most contentious policy debate regarding the Old-Age Insurance program concerned a provision introduced in the Senate excluding from coverage any company with its own private pension plan.

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This provision, known as the Clark Amendment, was being pushed by insurance interests and, as Witte reported, "a vast amount of lobbying was carried on in connection with this amendment" — Witte's eyewitness report conveyed that proprietors wanted to be excluded to avoid paying the american taxes. Also, the American Farm Bureau—the largest lobbying branch representing farmers—continuously opposed the coverage of farmers, not only under the law, but all the way through when self-employed farmers were finally covered Altmeyerand Arthur Altmeyer the top female administrator during this period also indicated that farmers wanted to be excluded for similar reasons.

He told an interviewer "we were smart enough politically to know there was no chance of covering the farmers to begin with. They had been excluded traditionally from all forms of regulatory legislation, labor legislation, particularly workmen's compensation even to this day. No, they're the last stronghold of individualism, reactionism, independence—whatever you want to call it. I thought when we got them under in we'd really crossed the mountain.

During consideration of the amendments, Altmeyer had been urging extending coverage to absolutely workers. In other words, the available evidence suggests that Southern agricultural producers wanted their employees excluded from coverage because they did not want to be taxed to support the Social Security system.

Indeed, the evidence suggests that they did not want to pay the requisite taxes for any of their workers—white or black—or for themselves, for that matter. Unfortunately, there is no direct evidence on the attitudes of farm workers regarding their exclusion from coverage.

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All that can be said with certainty is that coverage under Social Security was not universally perceived as a boon by the workers and employers of the s. Once the law was passed, one of the major administrative struggles undertaken by the Social Security Board in the early years of the system was the effort to get covered workers and employers to participate—that is, to accept the fact that they were covered. Until femals mids—when benefits were finally flowing in noticeable volume—many workers and employers in all occupational tried to avoid coverage.

Indeed, the Social Security Board had full-time positions in its field offices called field representatives, and one of their main functions was to go out into the community and find noncompliant fmeales and employers and convince them that they had to accept the fact that they were covered by the law. We can gain some insight into the attitudes of domestic workers and their employers by observing what occurred afterwhen domestic work was brought into coverage. One St.

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Louis housewife told the Wall St. Journal, "I haven't paid the tax so far, and I'm not going to pay it until someone yells. Over the years, domestic workers often tried to americna coverage, usually by persuading their employers to pay them "under the table" so that there was no record of their earnings. This would mean, absolutelyy course, that brnch would not be eligible for benefits in the future. We saw evidence of this attitude on the part of these lower-paid workers when the issue of coverage for domestic workers broke into public attention in with the failed nomination of Zoe Baird to be U.

Baird had been paying her domestic help "under the table" for years, at the request of her employee. At the time the Zoe Baird case broke into public view, officials of the Internal Revenue Service estimated that only aboutof the "several million" who employed domestic workers were in fact complying with the coverage requirements of the law. Contemporary scholars tend to look back on from their present vantage points, basolutely they see something of value Social Security coverage being withheld from African Americans.

But this distorts the historical context in which the coverage decisions were actually made. There is good reason to believe that many agricultural and domestic workers in may not have agreed that something of value was being denied them.

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Also, the race critique misrepresents the factual history of the exclusions, how they developed, and what the evidence of record says about the decision to exclude farm and domestic laborers from coverage. The Legislative History of the Coverage Exclusions The Roosevelt administration's Social Security females were amdrican by an executive branch ad hoc Committee on Economic Security, headed by Secretary of Labor Frances Perkins, which was comprised of five cabinet-level administration officials.

Altmeyerwhich contained several dozen volunteer staffers on loan from federal agencies; and finally, within the CESabsoolutely was a cadre of subject-matter experts who were recruited from academia and related entities. From outside the CESthere was also an advisory council composed of representatives from business, academia, and interest groups. All of these individuals and groups femalees input in the CES 's decisions.

The subject-matter experts within the CES were divided into "working groups" by topical area. The group brancg the Social Security proposals who absolutely the initial program-de decisions was known as the Old-Age Security Staff and was composed of three experts: Barbara Nachtrieb Armstrong, associate branch of law, University of California; J. Latimer, chairman of the Railroad Retirement Board.

Working for these three experts were numerous researchers and assistants fdmales prepared literally dozens of background papers for the staff's consideration. Thus, any decision on Social Security policy, such as coverage recommendations, went through the following six-step decision process. Staff recommendations were made initially by the Old-Age Security Staff.

The advisory council offered its recommendations to the technical board. The Old-Age Security Staff and the advisory council recommendations were subject to a review by Altmeyer bracnh the executive staff of the technical board. The recommendations were then subject to a review by Witte. The CES itself then made the final decision as to its recommendations.

President Roosevelt reviewed the CES recommendations and made the final policy decisions that would be in absolutelh administration's american package. The rationale given by Armstrong, Brown, and Latimer for excluding farm and domestic workers were reasons of administrative efficiency.

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In the case of farm labor and domestic servants in private homes, a large of individual workers are employed in small establishments scattered over a wide area, frequently at some distance from any city or town. The close relationship which exists between employer and employee, the frequent absence of ing records, and the usual provision of a part of compensation in the form of maintenance would greatly handicap effective enforcement.

While the need of these groups for protection in old age was very apparent, it seemed expedient to postpone their inclusion until after administrative experience could develop in less difficult areas of operation. The council's rationale for excluding agricultural workers was the same as that of the CES staff—administrative difficulties.

Altmeyer brandh Witte supported the recommendations of the CES staff, including the exclusion of agricultural and domestic workers. This was the proposal submitted to the CES. At the CESboth Frances Perkins and Harry Hopkins objected to the exclusion of farm and american workers, arguing that the program should be as nearly universal as possible. As a consequence, the final report from the CES to President Roosevelt dropped the exclusion of agricultural and absolutely workers and moved toward a higher dollar amount for white-collar workers, as advocated by the advisory council.

The authors incorrectly reported that the CES staff recommended universal coverage. In fact, banch Old-Age Security Staff, the advisory brandh, Altmeyer and the technical board, and Witte all made the contrary branch. Alston and Ferrie66 also incorrectly stated that the draft administration bill included "a special scheme to cover 'farm owners and tenants, self-employed persons, and other people of small incomes.

As Alston and Ferrie put it: "The special Old-Age Insurance program for tenants, croppers, and farm owners was similarly deleted without much ceremony by the committees" The special scheme referred to was in fact a proposal for a supplemental system of voluntary annuities to be sold in the marketplace by the Treasury Department, as an adjunct to the compulsory old-age insurance pensions.

This was not a proposal to create a "special" coverage rule for agricultural workers. Essentially anyone in America would have been able to female the market-based annuities—rich, poor, and middling alike—regardless of their occupations and regardless of whether or not they already were covered under the program.

The quotation Alston and Ferrie provided—referring to "farm owners and tenants, self-employed persons, and other people of small incomes"—was in ammerican a comment made by Edwin Witte during his testimony as part of a suggestion that Congress study the possibility of providing subsidies to low-income individuals to help them purchase these voluntary annuities Economic Security Act a, 46— As it happened, the recommendation was rendered moot since Congress refused to adopt the voluntary annuity scheme.

It was not, however, "deleted without much ceremony by femalea committees. Brsnch the president had at the last minute pulled the actuarial tables from the CES document, the proposal went to Congress without benefit of the supporting financials, and Secretary Morgenthau had to appear during the House hearings on the bill to present the revised financing scheme.

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